The things you own end up owning you.

Wonderful Interview with Bush in Ireland, supposedly banned


May 31, 2008 Posted by | Critical Theory | Leave a comment

Interview with Norman Dodd

Norman Dodd (June 29, 1899 – January 1987) was a chief investigator in 1953 for U.S. Congressman B. Carroll Reece Special Committee on Tax Exempt Foundations (commonly referred to as the Reece Committee).[1] He was primarily known for his controversial investigation into tax-exempt foundations.

May 30, 2008 Posted by | Critical Theory | Leave a comment

Let’s Sell More- The Case of Besiktas Anadolu Lisesi

May 30, 2008 Posted by | Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Darwin’s Nightmare

Directed by Hubert Sauper
Produced by Hubert Sauper
Barbara Albert
Martin Gschlacht
Edouard Mauriat
Antonin Svoboda
Hubert Toint
Written by Hubert Sauper
Cinematography Hubert Sauper
Editing by Denise Vindevogel
Distributed by International Film Circuit
Release date(s) 1 September 2004
(Venice Film Festival)
Running time 107 minutes
Language English, Swahili,

photo taken from:

May 29, 2008 Posted by | Film Reviews | Leave a comment

Turkey and Malaysia

Lately, in Turkey a debate on whether Turkey was becoming a new Malaysia took place. One point about this debate not going in depth. The comparison should be at the beginning logical, Malaysia refused the Washington consensus, whereas Turkey embraced it. You can not be Malaysia if you do not have similar economic development strategies. just a note on history.

May 29, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | Leave a comment

What is Washington Consensus?

A term brought into the mental dictionaries through an article written by the economist John Williamson (1). Accordingly, this term meant to be “the lowest common denominator of policy advice being addressed by the Washington-based institutions to Latin American countries as of 1989.” Which were:

  • Fiscal discipline
  • A redirection of public expenditure priorities toward fields offering both high economic returns and the potential to improve income distribution, such as primary health care, primary education, and infrastructure
  • Tax reform (to lower marginal rates and broaden the tax base)
  • Interest rate liberalization
  • A competitive exchange rate
  • Trade liberalization
  • Liberalization of inflows of foreign direct investment
  • Privatization
  • Deregulation (to abolish barriers to entry and exit)
  • Secure property right (2)

(1). Williamson, John: What Washington Means by Policy Reform, in: Williamson, John (ed.): Latin American Readjustment: How Much has Happened, Washington: Institute for International Economics 1989.


(3). Video of Williamson commenting on the topic.

(4). also look at this article.

May 29, 2008 Posted by | Critical Theory | Leave a comment

Lion in a Cage

During the League Championship party, some supporters of the Galatasaray Football Club, brought a two-old lion into the Ali Sami Yen stadium. Accordingly, the firma who rented the lion from the Antalya Zoo was fined something like 200 Euros.
What is quite extra-ordinary is, you come up with an absurd idea of bringing a lion, the symbol of Galatasaray, into the Stadium. Then you contact some people, and somehow a friendly lion imprisoned in the Antalya Zoo, is rent and brought into 35.000 manic human beings. Of course the lion is big time traumatised. But the ironic thing is, neither the Galatasaray Club, nor the supporters, nor the football players, nor nobody, nor the Antalya Zoo, nor the firma, excused about the shit they did.

Welcome to Hell

is the motto of the Ali Sami Yen Stadium. Indeed welcome to hell, a Roman arena where lions are butchered for fun. The fascism of football, and the safety-valve of modern times. a free area for aggression therapy. This is the reality…unfortunately,

a wonderful video about the issue

May 29, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | 2 Comments

The Bribery: The Case of Remzi Gür

Remzi Gür, the chef of the Ramsey Holding, British and Turkish passport holder,  is a popular figure in Turkish politics. He is known to be a close friend of PM Erdogan, and single-handedly took the financing of Mr. Erdogan’s daughter’s education in the Unites States. Furthermore, as Zamann Online puts it “Didem Yurter, the sister-in-law of Babacan, is married to Ömer Gür, the son of Remzi Gür, who is a businessman with close ties to the AK Party and the owner of clothing company Ramsey” (1).

Though the mainstream media silences about the topic, Mr. Remzi Gür was found guilt of attempting bribery and sentenced to 10 months in prison. Gür’s execution was later postponed by the court. . According to the Court reports, before the Presidential elections of 2007, Mr. Remzi Gür approached the by then RPP Kastamonu MP Mehmet Yildirim and offered him bribery in case he changes his mind during the voting at the Parliament and take sides with the AKP or even join the AKP. Later because of his refusal, Mr. Yildirim had to fight heavily in Kastamonu and was not re-elected.

This incident illustrates one dark side of the Turkish politics, Vote-buying, and other corrupt actions. This is one of the main reasons of the deficit in Turkish politics. Blaming the military and the so-called Kemalists is one thing, but not cleaning his/her own house is another thing. both sides are the very reasons of the predicament. And these are just the tip of the Ice Berg. These are Turkey’s reality. Corruption in Parliament, is just the tip, there is a wide spread corruption, and the idea of corruption as normality, as an inter-subjective consensual topic is the very problem. Of course the society reflects its self to its Parliament, and to its members of parliament. Remzi Gür is just one example.

I am happy that I do not have bribery-masters as best friends around me, and I am happy that none such character has ever financed one penny to my education… Alas, some do not think so. As Mr. Erdogan lately quoted from the Holy Book “They have eyes, they do not see, they have ears they do not hear, they have tongs they do not talk”.  Us and them, mixed into one.


May 29, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | 1 Comment

When the makers of Paranoia becomes the Victims of Paranoia

Nowadays, Turkish media is busy on the “telekulak” “telephone tapping” issue. First one member of the Constitutional Court following a paranoia that he is followed with a lorry for sometime, stopped one and it came out to be a Narcotics civil police, who supposedly was not behind the Constitutional Court judge but another incident. Quite interesting situation indeed. Later, the General Secretary of the CHP, Önder Sav blamed an Islamic media to issue the whole text of his conversation with a Republican governor which took place in the CHP headquarters.

Cold War did not end, it just took a different disguise. What I mean by this is, the institutions which were built during the Cold War, such as the CIA methods did not diminish in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War. Especially, the myth of the “national security state”, the propaganda of the “internal” and “external” enemies of the “sacred state” and the “nation” became a part of the mental dictionary of the Turkish populace. These ideas became in a way inter-subjective, that there is a deep psychological suspicion among the members of the society. These suspicions became embedded in the minds and the hearts, so that the makers of these also became victims of the empire of fear they built by their hands.

Turkey wants to be a member of the European Union, but recent incidents illustrates the long distance Turkey still has to fulfil its dreams. This suspicion is also directed towards the Europe, whereas Turkey is the popular other of the conservative European leaders, Europe is becoming the other of the conservative Turkish leaders at the same time. The latest uproar of the Judiciary also stems from this phenomenon, the reason that AKP first consulted the “Europeans” not “us” the “European judicial system” not “our Republican judicial system” and the examples continues.

The sad thing is some part of this paranoia is actually reality, that is what makes paranoia more and more stronger and more addictive. MIT- Turkish Intelligence Agency, is one of the most secretive organisations of the state apparatus. The end of the Cold War had virtually no affect on the covert actions and operations of this organisation… Yes the Frankenstein they made is at theatres around Turkey…

photo taken from

May 29, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | Leave a comment

BBc Document on the IRA and the Situation in 1988

May 27, 2008 Posted by | documentaries | Leave a comment

48 Years After May 27, 1960 – Some thoughts on the coup

May 27, 1960 is the turning point for the Turkish political system and the Turkish army. Nothing stayed the same after that May afternoon. The army by carrying out the coup, consciously or unconsciously opened the pandora’s box.

Turkish Republic was established through the command of the nationalist soldiers, the creme de la creme of the Ottoman bureaucracy. They managed to built a hegemonic bloc for some seconds through the culmination of forces with the secret society, the sidelined, peripheral forces such as the religious brotherhoods stretching from the Naksibendis to Kadiris, the counter-society.

The leadership headed by Mustafa Kemal, later sidelined these traditional elements, and through the positivist weltanschauung which which they inherited from the former Committee of Union and Progress they began to construct a new Turkey.

in this imagined society, the army as other social actors had a predetermined place and role. Mustafa Kemal and all his friends experienced the politicisation of the army during the CUP years, and they themselves were a mere product of this decade, 1908-1918. For them, this brought with it a degeneration of the army, reminiscent of the corrupt Janissaries. Furthermore, Mustafa Kemal knew well that many of his comrades who fought against the enemy at his side, once the waters calmed down, were ready to confront his Jacobin appearance. The fact that they could at the same time hold their posts within the army also opened the way of the division of the military corps into different cliques, like the CUP years. Therefore, the Kemalist leadership decided to approve a law which forces military personnel aiming to pursue a political life to resign from their posts. This was the realisation of Mustafa Kemal’s plan which he managed to work out within the CUP during the 1908-1910.

The Turkish army by then were trusted to Field Marshall Fevzi Cakmak, who carried out this role without interruption up until 1944. The President, the prime minister and the chief of staff was the trio which was intact and which was designed to be intact. following the promulgation of the republic civil obedience was not achieved and many revolts took place in the Kurdish region which then lead the way to the Seyh Said incident. The main role of the army during this establishment years were to protect the fragile Republic, to be service of the Kemalist revolution, to be the integral part of the Vanguard, the Republican Guard, and they did so during the whole period.

Things began to change by the end of the Second World War. Their relative autonomy which was labelled by the Marshall was in a way broken. President Ismet Inönü, the “Milli Sef – National Chief” knew that he lacked the charisma of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and also were aware of the many cliques within the Republican elite who were eager to take him down. Fevzi Cakmak was 67 years old, and the upcoming negotiations with the allied powers required someone else and making things worse, his relations with Ismet Inönü was not so friendly during the 1944s.

Thus 1944 was the beginning of a new era for the Turkish army, its relative autonomy was limited and connected directly to the seat of the President. During the 1946-1950 period, Turkish army experienced one of its greatest transformation in terms of strategy and equipment and also organisational culture. The Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan enabled the modernisation of the military, and a new spirit, the spirit of the soldiers of the free world began to diffuse to the organisational memory. The DP which won the elections in 1950, continued the Ismet Inönü tactic of having friendly and loyal and humble Chief of Staff to avoid possible coup attempts.

In 1950, the topic was the modernisation of the army, from toe to head. Commanders who had a reputation of being extreme loyal to Ismet Inönü were sidelined, and the NATO connection began to open a gap between the senior soldiers who had close relationships with the Democrat Party and the young soldiers who had a different training in the NATO circles and were socialised in an era of rising Nasserism in the Middle East. Samuel Huntington would soon began to produce his books on the Soldier and the state, and the bureaucratic-military forms of state as the leader of the modernisation movement.

27 May 1960 happened, we have to understand how and why it had happened. We have to understand when the rift between the government and the army and other social classes began, and how did it develop to the point of military intervention.

First of all, we have to understand the Phenomenon of the Democrat Party. For reasons of parsimony we will take the democrat party as a coalition of dissident members of the former State Party, so members of the State elite, or the Vanguard, who were also members of the liberal, growing bourgeoisie which was backed up by the state to be a loyal member of the Republican le3ading elite. They were also successful in taking the people into their side. With the 1950 election, the Democrat Party stole the “Halk” in the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. Their populist appeal, after many years of distanced and cool RPP elite opened up the energy of the country. The DP also had a hegemonic project, to create a new Turkey, a new imagined community.

They knew that their dreams could only come true, through the Foreign aid and loans. Because instead of giving emphasis to the diachronic dimension of planning and governing, they chose the synchronic dimension of populism and patron-client relationships, which in the long run drove the economy to dire straits. At this stage, the attack on the old regime and the images of the old regime was then the backbone of the populist discourse. The DP had a complex against Ismet Pasa according to my belief. Even Ismet Pasa was represented at the parliament with an extreme minority, the DP leadership loved the confrontation. The deficit of the democratic culture was paramount at this respect. All were socialised during the Kemalist era and before, and all had no idea f nothing about democratic participation and democratic politics. Democracy was the demir-kir-at, the iron-pale-horse, it was a symbol not an idea, not a philosophical starting point. And it was the predicament of the Turkish political system which continued to evolve.

Secondly, the old segment of the bureaucracy though staying intact, suffered a great deal of loss of reputation. The new historical structure, the Pax Americana, and Turkey’s inclusion to this system during the DP, meant a change of guards in terms of both reputation, legitimacy and material capabilities. The new social classes while flourishing began to take the place of the urban bureaucratic class, and the loss of material conditions also created an envy mixed with anger. The young soldiers were also while being politicised had to cope with the loss of reputation and material difficulties.

Thirdly, during the 1957 the liberal wing of the Democrat Party were purged and formed the Hurriyet Partisi. The loss of the intellectual, liberal segment of the party meant the rise of the populist wing. The HP also represented to some extent the Istanbul bourgeoisie who began to criticise the populist policies of Adnan Menderes and wished to initiate a planned economy which would favour the industrialists.

Fourthly, Adnan Menderes’ hard stance towards the media and the universities, or the alienation of the active minds, who were to help the construction of the hegemonic mentality, dislodged from this purpose. Kara Cüppeliler, Black Hoods were Menderes’ ideas about this elite.

Fifth, the hegemonic power and the hegemonic bloc also began to feel irritated about the rising populism and were in search of finding a new strategy to stop the rise of the leftist ideals within the so-called free world. Populism would eventually lead to social divisions and radicalisation. Furthermore, they needed an alternative to the Soviet planned-economy perspective. The IMF and the World Bank also were in favour of the establishment of a planned economy in Turkey and put an end to the populist appeal.

May 27, 2008 Posted by | 27 May 1960 Coup, Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | Leave a comment

Giambattista Vico – Stanley Kubrick and the Space Odyssey

Giambattista Vico once said that he tried to think back to the origins of the society and it took him good 20 years to try to move from the highly refined state of thought in which he, himself, in the 18th century was immersed, to go back to those earliest human beings at the beginning of the time when they were trying to express themselves and communicate their meanings. (Interview with Cox, p.17).

We know that Clockwork Orange by Anthony Burgess has something to do with the Vichian analysis of the cycle. The Ludo-Vico Method is by no surprise is a message in that direction. I don’t know if Kubrick ever read Vico, but I guess during the filming of the Clockwork Orange he came across Vico and also James Joyce who had an affect on Burgess. Nevertheless, I do think that the dawn of the man is indeed a study in the Vichian sense.

May 27, 2008 Posted by | Film Reviews | Leave a comment

This is England

Directed by Shane Meadows
Produced by Mark Herbert
Written by Shane Meadows
Starring Thomas Turgoose
Joseph Gilgun
Andrew Shim
Vicky McClure
Stephen Graham
Jo Hartley
Chanel Cresswell
Rosamund Hanson[1]
Music by Ludovico Einaudi
Cinematography Gonzalo Fernández Berridi
Editing by Chris Wyatt
Release date(s) April 27, 2007
Running time 100 minutes
Country United Kingdom
Language English
Budget £1.5 million (estimated)

1982, Margaret Thatcher, the Prime Minister of the UK is ready to gain her reputation as the “Iron-Lady” following the war on the Falkland Islands and the death of 258 British nationals (649 Argentinian).  The main character of the film, Sean is a 12-year old pal, living in the grey city of Grimsby. His father is one of the 258 soldiers who lost their lives in the islands.  Like in the song of John Lennon “Working class hero” –

They hurt you at home and they hit you at school,
They hate you if you’re clever and they despise a fool,
Till you’re so fucking crazy you can’t follow their rules,

Sean is hurt at home by a mother trying to stand up in the midst of depression. At school he is a regular object of pick-ons, a loner and an unhappy child with great potential but also great potential of aggression. His life begins to change after his encounter with a local gang of Skinheads headed by the humane personality Woody. Woody and his gang are not at the point of racism yet, they have Jamaican based friends within them and listen to Reggae and smoke joints. For them the skinhead mentality is not an ideology of fascism but more a local-gang, culture stuff. Boots and the hair-cut and the music.

May 26, 2008 Posted by | Film Reviews | Leave a comment

High Tension Rising

We have witnessed one of the stressful weeks of the last months, it was kind of a preliminary eruption, a moment of release. The judiciary and the universities backed up the latest comments about the AKP. The picture is gloomy, one side is feeling extremely sidelined and in fear over-reacts, other side has no idea an tries to save the day. This is a clear manifestation of the uprising crisis of hegemony in Turkey, or in other words the crisis of authority. The AKP and its coalition, which followed a delicate way to build up an alternative hegemonic bloc vis-a-vis the Vanguard at one moment became the hope of transformation. However, due to the dialectics inherent within the leadership style and ideology of the AKP, they lost their legitimacy vis-a-vis a great segment of the finance capital and foreign investors. The volatility in Turkish politics once again reminds the lost 90s.

The clash between the judiciary and the executive is by no means a minor incident, and it has to be analysed in depth, because it crystallises the debate between the Vanguard, or the classical ruling elites, or the ancient regime and the aspiring new classes.

One point to look at is to understand the motivation which leads a chain reaction within the judiciary and some segment of the university, as a common bloc to protect the Republican regime. It is a very pathological situation, to defend the republic from a party that gained nearly %47 of the popular vote. Of course AKP tactically tried to follow its own agenda, its own hegemonic project, which also entails a shift in the cultural, social, economic, political, language, ethics and all other segments of the social life. As much as it became evident that the seeds began to flourish, this put the Vanguard, which refuses to dislodge again into a carefully balanced march position from absolute defence. First the military, then other political parties, some civil society gatherings, then the judiciary, some former members of the AKP, the dosage of criticism began to surmount. We are approaching the final attack, lets wait and see…

May 26, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | Leave a comment

David Lynch Interview

May 25, 2008 Posted by | Film Reviews | Leave a comment

When Populism Backlashes

Populism is a hot gun. Sometimes popular leaders, push the button of populism to the extreme, and through fantastic parodies climb up to the top of the populism scale. Mr. Tayyip Erdogan, the Prime Minister of Turkey, is one who likes walking on the razor’s edge of populist politics. He likes to play to the masses, and pleases them through interesting participations. The incident we see nearby took place in the Bayrampasa City Park, where Mr. Erdogan tried to ride a horse, who then refused to be used as show instrument, or disturbed by the demonic loudness and flashes. Luckily Mr. Erdogan did not have major injuries, but it was of course unhappy to see him suffering on the ground in pain.  I asked my self, did you have to do this thing? I mean what on the earth is a prime minister who has no experience with horses, doing on a horse? Yeah as said, populism can backlashes and indeed violently.

May 23, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | Leave a comment

Some thoughts on Hegemony

Lately i saw an ad on one of the mainstream Turkish daily about the photos of the former beauty Queens of Turkey. One photo striked me at first. This was the photo shooting of the holder of the 1960 trophy, posing near a cabrio sport car, I guess behind there is the symbol of the modernity, Airports. It reminded me the films of Godard from 1960s. I also looked at some of the photos from the 1960s US media press coverage of the Miss International 1960s.

These photos reminded me the cultural side of the hegemony and the intersubjectivities created through the hegemonic order. As a widespread spectacle, a coverage for newspapers, periodicals and toddling TV stations, a fuel to the machines of the culture industry. How fashion becomes an a priori acceptance, and becomes embedded in the mindsets of the members of the Pax Americana. On the other hand, the portrayal of the feminine in this scale had also inherent in its body the subordination and dominance in a fascist way. The model women, with an international herbal beauty parlour.

May 23, 2008 Posted by | Critical Theory | Leave a comment

The Deficit of Leadership – the latest clash between the judiciary and the executive

According to the 1982 Turkish Constitution, tailored for the pleasure of the Junta, the President is located in a precarious situation. Though being irresponsible through its place, the holder of the seat can play crucial role in case of crisis of authority. The late Turkish President Turgut Özal, was the sole example of the utilisation of the Presidential leeway to its extremes. During the Gulf War of 1991, this style reached its zenith, when Turgut Özal a la Presidential governed the process nearly single-handedly. Süleyman Demirel also put his extreme at the service of the state during the 28 Subat Process. Ahmet Nejdet Sezer, was a man of law a colourless bureaucrat and he played his role with precision.

Many discussed about Abdullah Gül as being too active to sit still at Cankaya, and his initial appearance of a Kurdistan and South-east Turkey tour, and his salvos concerning foreign policy strengthened this view. however, once the crisis became visible, and the clouds over Ankara began to get darkened, Abdullah Gül in my opinion lost the touch. the latest trial at the Constitutional Court,put him also in a position of Republican enemy number 2. Of course put upon that the rumours about the problems between him and PM Tayyip Erdogan which is mostly played upon their wives. Emine Erdogan’s stance towards Hayrinüsa Gül is the gossip in the town superimposed over the political duo. To put things worse, his one time comrade in arms, Abdüllatif Sener also blamed him to be too obsessive to elevate himself to the highest echelons and sidelining Tayyip Erdogan’s consensual modus.
Nevertheless, we can observe this psychology from Mr. Gül’s latest silence. The judiciary and the executive of the country came neck to neck, pushing both to the point of saturation and the lost of legitimacy and the division of the society into two. In times of dire straits leadership comes to the forefront. As the President of the Republic, the head should intervene in a delicate way creating a win-win situation for both and calming the waters. However, Mr. Gül even begins to think about the the initiative after Devlet Bahceli of MHP’s call for intervention. Up till now everything is not good, and we are falling with an incredible speed from the top of an apartment a la La Hain.

May 22, 2008 Posted by | Turkish daily, Turkish Politics | Leave a comment

Bob Dylan’s “Drawn Blank Series” paintings of Dylan

some paintings of  Bob Dylan from the “Drawn Blank Series”

May 22, 2008 Posted by | Bob Dylan | Leave a comment

Garage Olimpo – Olimpo Garage

Directed by Marco Bechis
Produced by Producers:
Daniel Burman
Diego Dubcovsky
Amedeo Pagani
Eric Heumann
Written by Marco Bechis
Lara Fremder
Starring Antonella Costa
Carlos Echevarría
Enrique Piñeyro
Music by Jacques Lederlin
Cinematography Ramiro Civita
Editing by Jacopo Quadri
Distributed by Aqua Films
BD Cine
Release date(s) France:
May 16, 1999
September 2, 1999
Running time 98 minutes
Country Argentina
Language Spanish
Budget $3,000,000

Info from

Chili-born Italian director Marco Bechis‘s second feature is a political drama based on his experiences with the military regime of Argentina (1976-1980) when he lived there. Maria (Antonella Costa) is a militant activist in an organization that is fighting the oppressive dictatorship. She teaches reading and writing in the suburbs of Buenos Aires in an area of shantytowns. She lives in a decrepit rooming house with her mother Diane (Dominique Sanda), who rents out some rooms. One of the lodgers, a shy young man named Felix (Carlos Echeverria), is in love with Maria. He seems to have come from nowhere and is supposed to be working in a garage. One morning, Maria is kidnapped by a military squad in civilian clothes in front of her mother and is taken to the garage ‘Olimpo,’ one of the many well-known torture places in the city, which operate to the general indifference of the inhabitants. Tigre, the head of the center (Enrique Pineyro) appoints their best man — Felix — to the job of making Maria talk. Felix is overcome by his feelings for Maria, but Maria is determined to exploit the situation for her survival. Tender love scenes between Maria and Felix enhance the story, but the intensity never reaches the heights of some of the classics of the world cinema with a similar theme, such as The Night Porter. Bechis exerts too much control over his characters and narrative to allow an emotional rupture. 52nd Cannes Film Festival, 1999.

May 22, 2008 Posted by | Film Reviews | Leave a comment