This will be an article on the life and genius of Caravaggio.
According to Turkish daily Hürriyet:
Kuzey Birliği Varese Gençlik Kolu Başkanı Marco Pinti: “Avrupa dışından bir ülke bu şampiyonaya katılıyorsa Uganda’nın da katılma hakkı doğar.
Kuzey Birliği Başkanı Umberto Bossi’nin oğlu Renzo: “Eğer Türkiye, şampiyon olursa o zaman İnebahtı’na gidip Andrea Doria adına günah çıkartmamız gerekecek.”
Kuzey Birliği Milano sorumlusu Alessandro Morelli: “Eğer Türkiye, kupayı havaya kaldırırsa kebaptan başlayarak tüm Türk ürünlerine karşı savaş açarız.”
Novara Belediye Başkan Massimo Giordano: “Türkiye ne siyasette ne futbolda hiçbir yere gidemez. Çünkü Avrupalı değil.”
Haider: Şampiyon olsalar da Avrupa kapısı açılmasın
AVUSTURYALI aşırı sağcı Jörg Haider, yarı finale kalan Türkiye ve Rusya’nın Avrupa ülkesi olup olmadığını sorguladı. İtalyan Corriere della Sera’ya konuşan Haider, “Bu iki ülkenin Avrupa ile ortak neleri var? Türkiye, Viyana’da final oynayabilir. Ama Avrupa’nın Türkiye’ye kapıları kapalı kalmalıdır. Avrupa’nın değerlerini ve kültürünü kabul edecek bir pozisyonda olduklarını sanmıyorum” dedi. Avusturya’da aşırı milliyetçi BZO partisinin lideri olan Haider, Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine destek vermeyen tavrıyla tanınıyor.
FAZ is one of the most so-called serious newspapers of the German media. In their 20.6.08 issue, on the page 32, they gave a column to the Turkish football team. One paragraph was striking:
“Allerdings wirkt es, als finde Terim Gefallen am weigen Streit zwischen ihm und dem manchmal sehr phanasievollen Reportern. Der Mann mit dem Gehabe eines osmanisches Paschas pflegt das Reizklima nach Kräften…”
you dont have to understand the whole text, the phrase “Ottoman Pasha” is what we are lookin at. The images of the past, the orientalism and xenophobie and the spirit of the Ottoman Empire alive and continues to live in the pages of newspapers. Bravo FAZ!!!
Two figures, one of them is the member of the ruling AKP of Turkey, the other a member of the training bench of the Turkish national team. Both are on the headlines today, both headlines have one common image: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Turkish Revolution.
According to Haberturk, during the Euro 2008 football championship, whilst the cameras were zooming on to Fatih Terim, the head coach of Turkey, a small detail was visible. A poster of the founder of the Turkish Republic under the legs of Mr. Hanedar. Later, Mr. Hanedar made a comment and told that it is by no means a poster, because due to the EUFA regulations no national symbol or such is allowed on the bench. He says, it is a photo attached to his folder, and below writes “1938 Forever” (Why 1938 forever? wouldnt it be 1923 forever). Anyways, he said that he has more than 5 Atatürk pictures at home, and they bring Atatürk to all matches to boost players.
The second man is Mehmet Firat, he made a comment on the Turkish revolution and said that it traumatised the Turks. Of course Turkish revolution and Mustafa Kemal are mirror images and it was clear who was targeted.
The rival images of a common image. The dilemma of Turkish society in pictures. Unless an intersubjective consensus cannot be reached, this rift and segmentation would prevail in all levels.
Discussions on Bad Habits: Taraf Daily Newspaper Publishes Turkish Armed Forces Covert Operation Documents
Organisations and bureaucratic organisations have their own intersubjective memories and behavioural patterns which has been organised and developed through the historical scenes. Once the standard operation patterns becomes norm, and a part of the daily routine some of the bad habits could continue to prevail though the need for them and their existence would cause serious uproar and quite possibly lead to the questioning of the legitimacy of the bureaucratic organisation that is responsible for its misconduct.
The latest incident which was made public by the Taraf Daily can be an example of such a situation. However, we must add that the Turkish Armed Forces refused the allegations and in a statement named these as cheap propoganda (1). We cannot be sure of the authenticity of this document, however, the past can be a path to understanding the present. We have seen during the 28 February Process and onwards, that the Turkish Armed forces indeed organised covert bureaus within its administration to collect information and disseminate disinformation concerning the actions of the Islamic Welfare Party. We can speculate that such a document can be real by remembering the NOKTA Weekly incident, where memoirs of a former high ranking official was published which included schemes to organise a coup d’etat and for these purposes organise in all segments of the civilian, military bureaucracy and establish criss-cross contacts with the intelligentsia, universities, media, judiciary nearly all other segments which are perceived as possible allies in the fight against the so-called fundamentalist menace (sarcasm emphasised).
We might not go into detail about the document but focus on the organisation of this document. It means that some certain ideas, which are indeed unlawful, but has been a norm within the organisation, especially one which has an enormous relative autonomy which has not been curtailed at least in the last 48 years. The legitimacy is also given to the ranks with internal laws, to defend the Turkish Republic during war and peace times. A permanent observer, the Vanguard, a self-attained role of supremacy and self-written role of the enlightened leaders. But what if the ideals come short of the changing times, what if the once carrier of the modernist ideas and jargon becomes embedded in its self, cannot progress itself in the light of the changing circumstances, the originating of a conservative problem-solving approach to policy making, thus the symptoms of a burden organisation. The burden organisation is meant to slow down the actual “lauf der dinge” through its “organisational bad habits”.
Rob Hughes from the New York Times published a strange example of xenophobia in his latest column (1). We began to quote and to deconstruct the text.
“Swedish referee Peter Frojdfeldt, the arbiter who lost the respect of many of us after ruling that Italy’s Christian Panucci was “active” while he lay wounded off the field of play in a previous match, did his best to afford some decent protection for the Czech players from the Turks.”
– decent protection from the Turks
“All the while, Fatih Terim, the Turkish coach was railing on the sideline. His actions gave the impression that he considered his Turks were challenging legitimately for the ball; either that or the rough tactics were to his orders.”
– railing on the sideline.. his Turks…
“A pity, because when Turks set out to play the game they possess pleasing talents on the ball, and a cunning much better applied to outwitting rather than hitting opponents. It was, presumably, meant to intimidate the Czechs – but why would they pick on Koller?”
– cunning, hitting, intimidate
“Terim again berated the poor fourth official because he had a man injured and wanted to make a third substitution, when that goal went in.”
– berate, poor official
“After 85 minutes Nihat Kahveci, always capable of predatory goal poaching, preyed on a dreadful piece of mishandling by Cech. The ball was in the goalkeeper’s grasp, in both hands, but he let it slip and Nihat gratefully struck.”
– predatory, dreadful
“The arbiter was also full justified in sending off goalkeeper Volkan for a cave man act of violence, throwing an opponent to ground. Even in victory, the Turks accepted disgrace.”
– cave man Volkan – Even in victory, the Turks accepted disgrace.
o la la, bu yaka sahaka!!! big time rob big time!
Scenes from distorted mentalities will be a series of discourse analysis of leading figures of Turkish society and other individuals from around the world. We wil start the series with Önder Sav, the General Secretary of the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi – Genel Sekreteri). Mr. Sav came to the forefront of the Turkish media following his comments to an elderly party supporter whom he met during a visit to the Elmadag district of Ankara. During the visit the old men came near to Mr. Sav and who him that he is planning to go to Saudi Arabia to fulfil his religious duties, one of the five fundamentals of Islam, the Hac or the Pilgrimage. Mr. Sav told in front of the cameras to his fellow party comrade
– The old man(1): I have the intention of going to Hac. Haciya niyetlendim
– Önder Sav: Haciya mi? Boş ver, Araplara para kaptırma – To the Hac? Never mind, don’t get your money snatched by the Arabs, …
– The old man: Niye, yani yasim 80’e gidiyor, bir ayagim cukurda. Why? I mean I am coming to the age of 80, one of my foot is already in the grave.
-Önder Sav: Bakarsin, Muhammet birakmaz seni, sen yine sey yapma. Who know, maybe Mohammed will not let you come back, you again, dont do
– The old man: Ne edelim yani birakmazsa, Dünya isleri böyle. What if he doesnt let me back, so is this world’s rules.
Once we look at the video (sorry I was not able to find a nuetral video which only shows the dialogues without commentary, however please try to focus on the body language of both men) we see a typical party visit to a municipality governed by the CHP. We can see the party officials, in their extreme bureaucratic manners, maybe because they know that there are cameras inside and try to pose their best. If this is their best, we can discern a typical CHP member, disconnected from the entire world and disconnected from his own people. A distanced elitism. What is more striking is the old man in the room.
We learn from the Turkish media that his name is Mustafa, or as the Turkish media names him “Mustafa Amca – Uncle Mustafa”, he is 80 years old and surely a well-known sympathic figure of the party sympathisans. We can see in the video the governor of Elmadag, a slightly fat man, who has in contrast to Önder Sav, a relatively provincial suit, more colourful, with a completely different stance to the old man. He listens him with a smile, and a respect to his age. We can speculate that the governor himself invited him to the meeting with the highest echelons of the party, where he knows will be cameraman and the media. This was a photo opportunity, like a Stalinist episode, the distanced cool leader meets with the simple man. He listens him carefully and also a signal to the media, you see our supporters are the people. The old man definitely has a rural clothing, a symbol of the Turkish peasant a hat, skirt but no tie and a pullover.
The old man is also more relax than Önder Sav. He leans towards Mr. Sav and talks in a friendly manner, whereas Mr. Sav is cemented on his chair, avoiding eye contact with the old man, his hand in his chin poses like a deeply thinking, personality. Mr. Sav in one point whilst the old man tries to hold his hand, (which is a typical gesture in Anatolia, holdign someone’s hand whilst explaining something which might cause misunderstandings, in my opinion the holding of the hand, the transmission of the heat through the palms is indeed a signal of friendship a symbol of showing that his words are not attacks but friendly ideas) automatically takes his hand back in an angry manner and clumsily searching for his chin. The old man is a shocked through this refusal of friendship and tries to explain his problem or idea in a friendly manner and telling Sav that he is already 80 and the age of death is coming.
Mr. Sav’s stance towards the old man and his ideas about Islam, Arabs and Prophet Mohammed is also phenomenal. Of course everybody has the right to tell what they think freely, of course it is good that they do not mask themselves and talk openly even in the presence of cameras and the media. However, there are some certain parts of the human life, which are open to interpretations of diverse types, or inflamatory happenings. Religion or in the Turkish context Islam is one of this no-touch areas, a country which proudly declates that %99 of the population beleives in Islam. Furthermore, in the aftermath of the Denmark comics episodes on Prophet Mohammed, we also saw that the vast majority of the Turkish populace, no matter on the right or the left of the political panorama refuses such comments and openly declares their unease.
This is the crux of the matter, Mr. Sav did not appologise in the aftermath of his words, he hide from the cameras for a week and then came out with the asparagas news on the telephone wiring scandal. In an amateur way the high command of the RPP introduced this theme into the media and escalated the tension that there is surely a bug in the RPP centre or even a mobile station who is spying from near distance into the room of the Party’s General Secretary, this also passed to the general atmopshere of telephone tappings in Turkey. This is the dilemma of the RPP, this is the farce of the CHP.
The scenes from distorted mentalities, a party leadership which is completely disconnected from the masses, disconnected even from the general accepted norms of its own society. A xenophobic attitude towards the “Arabs”, the great other of the Turkish Republic, the ones who stabbed us from the back, the Arabian Lawrance and other negative images on the Arabs propogated by the state elites from a long time which to one extent became intersubjective apparently for the high command.
Furthermore, the attitude of Mr. Sav towards the old man is another tragedy. Mr. Sav is not the Party General Secretary of the Communist Party nor the member of a poli-bureau. He is the General Secretary of a so-called Social Democrat Party which suprisingly still represented in the Soclaist International. Like Mr. Baykal he is one of the elders of the party actually. He is 71 years old, just the age for the General Secretary of a country whose population is 2/3 youngsters. Mr. Sav is a lawyer and a former head of the Ankara incorporated law of society.
This is the first of our series of distorted mentalities, we will continue with other interesting figures…
(1). I dont know the full name of the old man, but from the Turkish media I learned that his first name is Mustafa.
The governing AKP of Turkey submits its defence concerning the proposal made by Turkey’s top state prosecutor to ban the party completely due to its ‘Islamic Agenda’. The defence is more than 400 pages and instead of being a memorandum of democratic believes, it is a purely defensive one. We will continue to see what will happen…
below you can download the AKP’s defence as pdf documents in Turkish and in English.
Mr. Reha Camuroglu, Member of Parliament from the AKP and one of the chief advisor of PM Tayyip Erdogan, who is known as the architect of the AKP’s Alevi opening resigned from his post. According to Hurriyet Online Mr. Camuroglu complained about the disillusionment of AKP’s Alevi opening.
“Mr. President, we wanted the discrimination against Alevis to end. Did it? Can I ask; how many Alevis have high level positions in the bureaucracy or are among the governors? Is there just one Alevi governor? Is that enough? What about the police commissioners? And during the AKP‘s six-year rule; how many Alevi investors have won tenders? Maybe there are none,” Camuroglu wrote the resignation letter submitted to Erdogan.” (1)
The resignation is important in the sense that, the historic bloc that AKP aspires to construct began to crumble from all sides. First the left-liberals began to voice their discontent, and now the Alevi community represented in the AKP retreated from their close alliance.
“De cette dichotomie, entre d’une part le “national”, dernier refuge des passions du monde ancien, et d’autre part le “transnational”, tremplin de l’ultra-liberalisme du monde nouveau, il resulte, pour l’amateur de football tout autant que pour les milieux gui gravient autour de ce sport, une veritable schizophreinie, extrement complexe…qui illustre finalemnt a la perfection le monde ambivalent dans lequel nous vivons tous”
“Torn between national feeling, the last refuge of the emotions of the old world, football fans and all those who gravitate round this sport suffer from a veritable schizophrenia. its extreme complexity provides a perfect illustration of the ambivalence of the world in which we all live.”
Quoted from Eric Hobsbawm, Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism, p.90 (Original quotation made by Pierre Brochand, “Economic, dimpomatie et football” in Pascal Boniface (Eds), Geopolitique du Football (Brussels, 1998), p.78.
The Swiss daily “Blick” before this week’s EURO 2008 match between Turkey and the host Switzerland proudly announced that “so or so, tonight we will have Döner”. There is a double xenophobia in this picture. Yakin, a Swiss national with a Turkish background is the Döner Man, cutting Fatih Terim dressed up like a Döner. The Turks are anyway döner people, I mean there can be another Swiss player cutting the meat,but no, it must be a Turk. Deep embedded stereotypes come to surface during such football circus months.
Prof. Soysal refued the allegations that Özkan will take over the party. He put that, there will be an interlocking with the Bizkackisiyiz Platform and the BCP. This will be a marriage of two desperate pairs. The BCP is disconnected from the masses, the Özkan clique is disconnected from a political roof. It will be interesting to see, whether the Platform who nevertheless embodies in itself some civil society organisations will manage to re-establish itself within the BCP.
Prof. Soysal’s choice is also interesting. The nationalist, populist, Kemalist platform and another CHP, is this what Turkey really needs? Populist politicians aspiring to elevate themselves to the national level, an ego masturbation for the masses.
In the aftermath of the Constitutional Court’s decision on the headscarf issue, Turkish politics once again entered a tunnel of “zihni sinir – a Turkish cartoon character famous of his inventions” ideas.
First fire was shot by the Speaker of the Turkish National Assembly Köksal Toptan. Mr. Toptan is known as the liberal voice of the AKP. He is a long associate and supporter of Süleyman Demirel, the Justice Party, and the True Path Party (Adalet Partisi, Dogru Yol Partisi). He once contested Tansu Ciller in the Party congress and later resigned from the DYP and attended the AKP.
Mr. Toptan offered the amendment of the Constitution and the establishment of a bicameral Parliamentary system. According to Hürriyet English online service: Köksal put it this way: “The bicameral system will help us to ease the burden of the Constitutional Court. In that case, the court will have the opportunity of working more comfortably,” he said. Turkey used to have a bicameral parliament up until 1980. “The senate was useful back then. It should have not been abolished,” Toptan said (1).
Later, the speaker of the Government Cemil Cicek, declined Toptan’s offer and said his party and the government has no plan whatsoever about establishing a bicameral system. Furthermore, Ahmet Iyimaya of the AKP according to Hürriyet English offered a proposal draft to allow the Turkish Parliament to suspend Constitutional Court rulings in certain debatable cases is not an opinion held by the party.
These are annual discussions in Turkey, there is a permanent discussion of changing the system or adapting the system for own purposes from both sides. Though the country never officially governed by a Presidential system (albeit the Atatürk and Inönü years, plus Cemal Gürsel and other junta members), there is a permanent discussion of adopting a Presidential system, or a semi-Presidential system like the French example. There is also discussions opened up by former fascist General Kenan Evren about the “federation” system in Turkey. There is no agreement on the current administrative system, and there is no consensus on a possible agreeable amendment.
The canon is already fired, and the AKP now once again fights with the Jurisdiction to survive. And next weeks the tension will rise, as much as they feel entrapped by the so-called Kemalist elite, such Zihni sinir ideas will circulate, we will watch and see, try to understand and explain.
photo taken from
Prof. Dr. Serif Mardin, at a latest meeting of SORAR (Sosyal Sorunlari Arastirma ve Cözüm Dernegi) on 23 May 2006, opened up a new discussion through the usage of two-symbols or the dichotomy between the imam and the preacher – lectuter, ögretmen. (1)
The full text can be found in the above link. But the essence of the speech, held by Prof. Mardin is his dichotomy between two intersubjective ideas. However, these intersubjective ideas are not completely separated as black and white, many have also interlocked with themselves.
Prod. Mardin points out the deficit in the Turkish philosophy literature. Especially he finds the teachers unable to produce an ethic , the good and the bad, to superimpose over the Islamic faith.
The latest decision of the Constitutional Court once again highlighted the vast rift between the AKP government and the state organs, or the Vanguard bureaucracy. In order to understand the rift, we have to understand the point of views and the “clash area”.
Simply put, the so-called Kemalist bureaucracy, aspires, intersubjectively to protect its very existence, or the place within the state apparatus, and aims to establish a strictly secular Turkey. It appears so, the same so-called Kemalists opened up the way to the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis in the 1980s. So one has to be careful whilst generalising or idealising. It also wants to reach a consensus, which is strengthened by its cooperatist nostalgia.
The AKP, is the more sidelined more alienated segment of the society. They got their golden chance in the aftermath of the 1980 coup, and all doors were virtually opened to their brotherhoods and networks. They were welcomed in the Ministry of Education, they were welcomed in all segments of the state bureaucracy. And there was a tacit alliance on some fundamental symbolic issues such as the “headscarf” issue. During the 1990s, they established the best ever grass-roots organisations, much more better than that of the ultra-nationalist MHP, and combined them under a new myth. During the bottlenecks of the 1990s, the pains of the neoliberal destructuring processes, the alienated masses took refuge under the banned or Islam under the banner of the Welfare Party. The tradition continued and the voices began to be louder. The 28 Subat Process was a reversal of the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis from above. The high command wanted to put an end to the corruption from both sides, and wanted to defense their rights against the rising tide of the Islamisation process.
Nowadays, the rift continues. The vanguard is eager to continue his role of “vanguard”. It does refuse to retreat nor reach a consensus. The role of the teachers of populace is once more on the agenda. The AKP, feels itself trapped, and in the chess broad of Turkish politics, plays all his bets on Mr. Erdogan’s head. We will see, but up till now, we can assess that the process is no more a process of legalities. it is a permanent fight between the two sides, and at the end none shall win. The puzzle is who will be the Caesar in such a stalamate?
photo taken from
The closing down of Lambda Istanbul was protested yesterday in Paris. A group of activists met in front of the George Pompidou Cultural Centre, Paris and urged the Turkish justice organs to undo the ruling on the closure.
photo taken from
According to Turkish daily Radikal, yesterday another worker died in the Tuzla Dockyard. Mr. Selahattin Arslan, age 35, was working in the Arslan Dockyard as a contracted-worker. With this death, the toll reached 12 in the last six months.