Sönmez Köksal – Eski Mit Müstesari
Aysel Tugluk – DTP Diyarbakir Milletvekili
Süleyman Celebi – DISK Genel Baskani
– SP Genel Başkanı Kurtulmus
– Gülten Kaya
– Prof. Dr. Vamık Volkan
– Kemal Karpat
– Mithat Sancar
– Deniz Bölükbasi
– Mustafa Kumlu (TÜRK-İŞ Genel Başkanı)
– Faruk Lologlu (Emekli Büyükelçi)
– Sezgin Tanrikulu (Eski Diyarbakir Baro Başkanı)
– ÜMİT PAMİR (Emekli Büyükelçi)
– PROF. DR. AYSEL ÇELİKEL (ÇYDD Genel Başkanı)
– GALİP ENSARİOĞLU (Diyarbakır Ticaret ve Sanayi Odası Başkanı)
– Masum Türker (DSP Genel Başkanı)
– Faruk Ünsal (Mazlum-Der Genel Başkanı)
– Ertugrul Kürkcü (Gazeteci, eski Dev-Genç lideri)
– Ali Balkiz (Alevi-Bektasi Federasyonu Genel Baskani)
– Osman Pamukoglu (Hak ve Esitlik Partisi Genel Baskani Emekli Tüm Gen.)
– Erdem Gencan (Eski DDKD Genel Baskani)
– Selehattin Demirtas (DTP Grup Baskanvekili)
– Edip Baser (Emekli Orgeneral, PKK ile Mücadele Koordinatörü)
– Mehmet Eymür (Eski MiT Kontrterör Daire Baskani)
– Abdülkadir Aksu (AKP Genel Baskan Yardimcisi)
– Kemal Kilicdaroglu (CHP Genel Baskan Yardimcisi)
– Prof. Ahmet Insel (Galatasaray Üniversitesi)
– Dengir Mir Mehmet Firat (AKP Adana Milletvekili)
– Onur Öymen (CHP Genel Baskan Yardimcisi)
– Ömer Günes (Abdullah Öcalan’in Avukati)
– Prof. Kemal Kirisci
Inspiration does not come by invitation, it comes by intuition
Some time ago, a Turkish academic told me an incident he experienced, during the “Cumhuriyet Mitingleri” times. On a sunny Sunday morning he went to a Turkish “bakkal” to gather some daily papers. He said, he bought “Taraf, Hürriyet, Radikal, Yeni Safak” and if I dont remember false “Zaman”. As he was just to pay the bill, an elderly, visibly secular, and I would argue in some way a beleiver in some “specific” image of Kemalism, looked at him in strange eyes. She asked, I have never seen something like this, why are you buying those newspapers. He understood that she was mentioning the Islamist press. He responded calmly and said, it is important to read what people of different mentalities thing.
Yesterday, as I was opening up some internet newspaper websites for my father, he said to me, you dont need this newspaper. I said which one, he said, yenisafak. I asked why not? arent you curious to see what they think about, he said, i can imagine what they think about, I dont need that, honestly, thank you. I was a little bit stunned, because, his library is full of authors of diverse reigns, and he was just reading “Piyale” from the Ottoman script before he asked me to open the internet for him.
I was jut reading Ertugrul Özkök’s article on Akif Beki, and at the end of the article he tells an incident he experienced with Sedat Ergin. He asked Ergin whether he read Arif Beki’s last article, and he responded, I dont read him.
The blind adherence to one’s weltanschauung would bring with it a certain ideological perspective, which can portray quite aurhoritarian tendencies. The technology of perception, though living in 2009, could still be inspired from quite Machiavellian perspectives. the millenial good and bad, evil and god. When i read the Islamist media, I also mark a strange distaste to the ideas of the “other” bloc, as vice-versa.
Turkey is a land of distorted intersubjectivities, wherein, an authoritarian paternalistic culture superimposes itself on modern day concepts and perspectives. Though the widespread acceptance of the technology of thinking is absorbed, in terms of collective imaginations it is visibly distorted.
When we look at Turkish political parties, I can see petit-Machiavellians, in Turkish “cakma Sultanlar” – fake Sultans. I can see the same intersubjectivity of being an omnipotent “leader”, superimposed upon a bumbastic version of Islamic inspired capitalism or a fascinating misreading of Mustafa KEMAL Atatürk, or some other visibly fascist ethnic nationalisms.
The disconnection of social groups and the lack of organic intellectuals who could bring conflicting parties together through consensus and acquiesence on certain norms and principles, this is what I see.
Isn’t it strange that nobody still cannot agree the term of the Presidency. Isn’t it strange that top level politicians refuse to salute themselves even in highly ceremonial and unitary incidents?
Some time ago, I was reading the memoirs of retired diplomat and former Turkish Undersecratary of Foreign AffairsErcüment Yavuzalp. He recalls a memory, back from 1958, about an incident that took place in the reception of the Indian Embasy in Ankara in honor of Nehru’s visit to Turkey. At some time, the Minister of Interior, Namik Gedik, upon seeing the leader of the oppsition party (CHP), Ismet Inönü, hurried leaves the reception. Yavuzalp, asks the Minister about what had happened, and he responds “Out of blue, I saw that “individual.” At once I left the meeting.” After a half century, I can see no slide of change in the manner of the highest echelons, and as a consequence in the society complex.
I am looking at some webpages, about articles on “hot” themes, but especially I am reading the comments posted by the readers. The enmity is visible. Last week I was at a Panel Discussion in Berlin. One member of the pro-Kurdish DTP, was talking about the sickness of Turkishness, dangerous identities. Another Turkish intellectual was trying to remind the need not to use provocating sentences. I sometimes guess, whole Turkey needs “Gewaltfreiekommunikation” courses.
Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu became the epicentre of the CHP in the aftermath of the 2007 elections. The CHP leadership realised after a decade that radical Kemalist rhetoric had a powerbase of 20% and had to be amended if the CHP aims to lead Turkey one day in the future. The new policy was based upon emphasising the corruption allegations about the ruling AKP instead of continiously blaming them to be anti-secular. To note, the course of the Ergenekon and the failure of the “radical” politics had a profound effect on this re-orientation. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’s star shined with this new policy, he was the man who would carry out the systematic eradication of the AKP’s “AK-clear” image. He was successful in various cases and put an end to the leadership of leading figures within the AKP, such as the Dengir case. His live-debate with the current Ankara municipal governor Ibrahim Melih Gökcek.
The debate was the beginning of a fight between to mental imaginations, one representing the old regime’s myth of staying clean and working for the good of the people, the “Halk” partisi image and the other representing the new social forces and their boosted ego in the aftermath of the 2007 elections. Melih Gökcek’s lawlesness and his lack of shame int he face of the allegations were paramount, and even irritated his own leadership. Kılıçdaroğlu on the other hand, represents the “Ecevit” image in Turkish politics, that good, non-corruptable, “clean” politician who is also a common man in his social life.
The nomination of Kılıçdaroğlu as the candidate of the CHP for the metropolitan city of Istanbul may be the beginning of a new era in Turkish politics. The potential win of Kılıçdaroğlu will bring with it a five-year transition process within the CHP. Kılıçdaroğlu, as the new leader of “Istanbul” the gateway to transnational ruling elite would enable him to open himself to the new realities, and devleop a social democratic integration intot he world structures. The Obama factor is crucial at this point, instead of a Hamas loving leadership, a delicate and social democratic Turkey similar to that of Gonzales’ Spain would be more acceptable also for the EU. The end of Kılıçdaroğlu’s term will be his elavation as the leader of the CHP.
I will continue to think about this theme this week.
Last week, Ertugrul Özkök of the Hürriyet Daily Newspaper reflected an anecdote he heard from former Chief of the Naval Forces Ilhami Erdil (Erdil was trialled during his tenure due to misuse of his post and forced out of the army). Erdil told Özkök, that after every National Security Council meeting, the chief commanders meet in one of their houses and have dinner together, to discuss the meeting and to relax. Erdil explained Özkök that Hilmi Özkök was actually not drinking alcohol was pretending to do so, which was revealed by then Chief of Staff Kivrikoglu during the dinner. This is one of the various attacks on Hilmi Özkök and his style of dealing with the so-called Islamists.
What is more interesting is Hilmi Özkök remarks on this incident. He sent a letter to Radikal’s Murat Yetkin. I quote:
“”I was not built to be ordinary or to choose the easier way, nor do my background and education support that. Had I acted like everybody else, everyone would leave me alone today and I would be enjoying a happy retirement. But I was not ordinary. I chose to be a good observer. I chose not to be condescending to others and took lessons from the things they did. I chose to improve what I thought was good and find new methods for what I thought was inadequate.
I always strived to realize goals worthy of Turkey and its glorious military. ” My experience with working in international command centres gave me the opportunity to see various approaches. I always tried to apply these to the military instead of opting for the ease of continuing the practices of the past.
I never did any of this to look different. Perhaps I was misunderstood because I couldn’t express myself very well. I became a target of accusations by people who thought I was opposing them. Some really did not understand, while others acted as if they did not understand in order to continue their ‘lion trainer’ role.”
I always made an effort to avoid involving the military in politics, staying faithful to my oath. I did not do anything the law forbade me to do, but I did everything the law told me to do in the best way I could. The irony is that there were those who fought me for not openly fighting with the government; there were those who condemned me for being a democrat; there were those who were not pleased with me doing my duty to protect the interests of the military behind closed doors. But they would have been applauding me had I gotten into battles of words. I never felt that I needed to kowtow to anyone.
“Those who ignored me, saying that ‘the effect won’t change as long as the cause stays in place,’ accused me of being silent against [Islamic fundamentalism]. But the reality was that Feb. 28 was an unavoidable move that was demanded by the conditions of the day. I would never blame them for anything. What’s more, those officers did not have a Feb. 28 experience to rely on from the past. But I did have such an experience from the past. I have seen, how things done for the goodwilll by purging others opened the road of the others as well. Looking back at the events of the past, that when the military touches politics, this causes ‘tremendous benefit’ for politics and politicians in this country. This is why my style was different.”
The letter clearly shows the inside games within the Army. we will continue to comment on this letter.
Intersubjectivities can be summarised briefly as “those shared notions of the nature of social relations which tend to perpetuate habits and expectations of behaviour” (Cox, 2007, 516). Intersubjectivities can be taken as the fundamental upon which social discourses take place, they are in a way the reflections of the common sense at a definitive place and time. They frame the possibilities of discussions, and possible options, they draw the limits of possible. They are not unique nor they are essentials which are constant in time and close to change. They are a part of the human mind, and as the human mind modifies itself through the contact with the material conditions in which it finds itself, they do change. We can discern the historical evolution of these intersubjectivities and by doing so we can (if we wish to) strive to change them through political action.
Controversial issues and the discussions that took place around them is a time of photo opportunity for the curious intellectual. The more controversial the issue the more sentimental and natural the discussion. They are the gateway to understand the niveau of the discussions and intersubjectivities shared by people who feel themselves mentally belong to a specific groups of social forces.
In Turkey such a discussion began to take place during the last week, following such a controversial campaign on a even more controversial issue.
Some independent intellectuals of Turkey, decided to sign a petition to present their excuse for the neglect of research and action on the issue of the ‘Grreat Tragedy’ the Armenian people experienced during the 1915. Turkey sometimes digs her head in the ground and behave like the three-monkeys, never heard, never saw, never spoken about it. Since the last decade, the issue of the Armenian tragedy was officially forgotten. If yes, then it is portrayed as a case in which Ottoman Armenians collaborated with the Russians and other enemies during the First War and hence forces to leave their home and deported to south of the Ottoman Empire. The Turkish state officially accepts that there were a number of death, this was due to bad weather and famine. In no ways, an assault on the population took place. Anyone questioning this would have to bear harsh criticisms and be labelled as a traitor.
The President Gül, commented on the campaign and he said that it is good for the maturing of the Turkish democracy. Paradoxically, a parliamentarian from the allegedly social democrat, member of the Socialist International, the party of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. She is a member of Parliament from the most social-democrat city of Turkey, the secular castle of Izmir. She commented that one has to search the President’s mother’s families ties, to understand the President’s smooth respond to the campaign. She by no means meant that the mother of the President is to be an Armenian. This kind of a fascist tone that easily pronounced by such a lady MP. This is the time to shoot the film, and to take a snapshot of the intersubjectivities in Turkey.
During the last 5 years, I have been seeing a proliferation of Turkish flags in houses and streets in Turkey. Sometimes these are near the autobahns, on the mountains and at the balconies of houses. One can have the feeling that Turkey just came out of the war gloriously. In the last 10 years, private TV channels are pumping nationalist images through bad-quality Turkish series. The character is mostly a Turkish and Muslim hero, fighting against the bad word of underground or PKK or even the United States. Crazyheart they call this kind of people.
This is a new dimension of the intersubjectivity in Turkey. The Sevres Syndrome, which always seeks external enemies behind all actions in Turkey, and such intellectuals were mostly seen as collaborative of external agents. They can be puppets of SOROS, of CIA and the covert world. They cannot have their own idea and own motivation to question an issue in Turkey, it is impossible because it is an intersubjectively acceptance that there is always a plot against the Turkish state.
The President’s reply, is another wonderful moment of photography. A sudden rush of sentimentality. The President officially announced his family tree, and shared with the people, that he was a Muslim and a Turk. So he officially certified his identity. He was not an Armenian, as if being an Armenian is something bad. How can she blame her mother as Armenian? I would be happy if the conversation ended here, but it went, I am a Muslim Turk, i cannot be an Armenian. Both parts of the discussion illustrate the niveau of discussions in Turkey nowadays.
Prime Minister Erdogan was again fantastic on his comments about the issue. He said, “They must have committed genocide because they are apologizing. The Turkish Republic has no such problem.” – “We cannot join a campaign such as this just because writers started it. Personally I do not accept their campaign, nor take part in it. We did not commit any crime, why should we apologize? This is a debate discussed by historians.”
Online speech of Turkish author Yasar Kemal
One day, as Deniz Baykal was waking up from anxious dreams in which his rival T. Erdogan repetitively defeated him in the elections, he discovered that in bed he had been changed into a tolerant-peace loving politician. The first thing that came to his mind was to recruit as many as women with headscarf to the Republican People’s Party – Chumhuriyet Halk Partisi. With this enthusiasm he jumped out of the bed and headed to the Party headquarters. Whilst in the car he told the driver to stop by a tank-station and fetch a Orhan Gencebay cd. As he was by now a tolerant politician he wanted to catch up the things he lost in the last half of a century. The driver looked with astonished eyes and did what it’s told.
In the beginning of the CD Orhan Gencebay was talking about his music life and before singing his “Batsin bu dünya – let this world sink” classic he was saying “Daha güzel, daha mutlu, daha adil sevgi dolu bir dünya icin, baris icin, insanlik icin batsin bu dünya – For a better, for a happier, for a juster love-full world, for peace, for humanity let this world sink”. Deniz Baykal liked this, and as Orhan Gencebay was “the” popular guy in town, why not he wouldnt be the same. He called the party headquarters and told them to print a big poster saying – ulusal birligimiz icin, bayragimiz icin, özgürce ibadet icin, baris ve kardeslik icin, laik demokratik türkiye icin CHP’Ye – for our national unity, for our flag, for the right to prey freely, for a secular democratic Turkey votes to CHP”. The party members were found of this new idea and the new opening.
Later he went to the Sultanbeyli municipality in Istanbul, one of the castles of the AKP in Istanbul. First time in the history of the RPP, Deniz Baykal was hand in hand with the people which he opposed for a short time, the religious-conservative circles and women with headscarf. As i said, Deniz Baykal changed a lot since the morning. Behind the talking scene, he had his new poster and a big laugh in his face. Yeah the story of the metamorphosis 🙂
Ilker Basbug, the Chief of Staff of the Turkish Armed forces is portrayed as the “iceman” and someone who does not like to speak alot in public. However, following the critical attitude of the media concerning the Aktütün incident which took place on 3rd of October, in which the Turkish Armed forces lost 17 soldiers, General Basbug faced the cameras and gave an extraordinary harsh speech. The Turkish daily “Taraf” which began to search the reasons behind the devastating attack on the frontier outpost began its stance first by showing the head of the Air Forces playing golf while the incident was taking place. Yesterday, the “Taraf” took the incident again to its headlines and this tiem claimed that the attack was well known by the Turkish armed forces before it took place. The newspaper also used video footage from the Heron pilotless airplane cameras. In these footage it is visible that the PKK was building its forces behind the lines in attack positions.
Org. Basbug, commented today on the incident with a harsh tone. He said that those who leaked these documents and those who used it will be sued. and anybody who illustrates PKK’s attacks as success will be a partner in crime of the blood that would be spilled.
This was the second blow to the Turkish army, after the photos of the Head of the Air Forces playing golf during the incident. The credibility of the army, which was immune from critique up till today, nevertheless took a harsh blow. but nevertheless, the mainstream media continues to halt a blind eye attitude.
And a rabbit came out of the hat. This is the psycho of many nowadays in Turkey. They are disappointed that the “Ergenekon” trial did not touch upon the memoirs of coups! We can go back to the agreement between the Yasar Büyükanit and Tayyip Erdogan, that took place in the Dolmabahce office of the Prime Minister. Nobody managed to figure out what that meeting was about because both parts kept their silence up till now. However, we can see that in the aftermath of the meeting, General Büyükanit, who has a hard-line critic of the Presidential Elections began to remain silence. And during the Ergenekon trials, the army did not involve nor speculated about its former members.
By now we also know that the AKP knew these plots long time ago. They could have intervened and stopped this organisation to get active before the Danistay attacks. In my opinion, Mr. Erdogan simply showed the General the direction of the trial and that it will touch some former army men. General Büyükanit, reached a deal to stay silent but in exchange of military immunity. The active officers will remain intact and untouched. We can see that the ‘memoirs of a coup’ are indeed left intact and untouched.
In the broader context, this is the purge of a “covert” adventurists who still intersubjectively live in the days of the Cold War. Theirs is a failed attempt at coup. The Kizilelme Coalition which began after 2001, the ultra-nationalists, the Labour Party and other raudies, such as ex-Pashas, ex-intelligence men. But there is an Ergenekon which is greater than these, which are behind the Dink assasinations, and many others, that remains intact. And this is a first step, but without the big problem solved, I am sceptical.
In short time, the Constitutional Court of Turkey will make its decision whether to ban or not to ban the governing AKP Party. The rule, whether for the ban or against the ban, will open a new page in Turkish history. As we are no magicians possessing beyond human forces, we are just in a position to speculate and try to sketch the upcoming future.
Transformation can take two diverse directions. The first direction I call ‘the territorial’ and the other ‘transnational’. The first dimension, is the reminiscent of the ancient regime, that of the ‘national security state’ that was superimposed upon the Turkish state/society complex in the very aftermath of the Second World War and the beginning of the Pax Americana. The Cold War and American hegemony meant for the rest to adopt policies and guidelines in line with the hegemonic discourse. The ‘national security state’ was one of the most important concepts in this process. Accordingly, in the Cold War atmosphere, all member and ally countries should protect themselves from the imagined ‘communist’ threat. This entailed the establishment of military-bureaucratic regimes which would rule their people from above in exchange of a protecting shield of hegemony and financial-military revenues, gains, or name it aids. The state/society structure was indeed territorial, because the most important purpose was to demarcate one’s own territory.
For this purpose, establishments such as NATO’s secret armies, stay-behind forces mostly summouned through extreme-right wing elements who will be ready to attack their ‘communist’ enemies with cold blood. The economic dimension was that of ‘import-substituting’ or ‘welfare-liberal’ systems. One for the core and one for the periphery. There was a tacit alliance in the core between the state, the industrialists and the working class in the name of corporatisms. The periphery or the weaker members were to abide with the rules and try to hodl their societies impact and rule from above, and facilitate a smooth working financial market, which will be ready to interlock itself with the outer system.
In Turkey this system was institutionalised in my opinion in the very aftermath of the 1960 coup d’etat, with the establishment of a new political system and a new constitution. The makers of the coup, in line with the Third World, elevated themselves to a privileged position vis-a-vis. the elected actors. The ‘National Security Council’ established by the 1961 Constitution was the supreme body of the ‘national security state’. In time, with the 1971 and 1980 coup d’etats, the relative autonomy of the perceieved Vanguard reached its apogee. During the 1980s, with the Turgut Özal, this relative autonomy was at least stopped and began to erode as witnessed in the case of “Generals crisis” in 1987. With the inability of the Turkish intellectuals and the rulers, the rise of the PKK and the emergence of a ‘low intensity’ zone, paved the way to the re-establishment of this autonomy. During the 1997, this autonomy once again reached its apogee, but thereafter began to fade.
The second option, that of the ‘transnational’ one in my opinion began with the Ecevit government of 1999, and continued with the AKP following the 2002 elections. This option, is that of the dismantling of the ‘national security state’, integrating Turkey fully into the European Union structures, which also means the ‘transnational economy’. It is aimed to overcome the characteristics of the ‘national security state’, and replacing it by a pluralist – European style democracy. The emergence of ties between the transnational business class and the Turkish bouegeoisie, the intensifying relationships with the education communities of Europe and Turkey, and many other examples which are written in the Accession partnership documents shows the roadmap to ‘transnational’ option.
We will see which way the ship will go. up till now this is what comes to my mind.
Yavuz Donat in his latest column commented on his dialogue with Ceyhan Mumcu, brother of Ugur Mumcu and in his words someone who gave his life to illimunate his brother’s assasinaiton. Donat asks Mumcu, whether someone from the government ever invited him to hear his ideas. Mr. Mumcu answers: “Hayır… Olmadı… Danıştay saldırısını bile önceden öğrendim, gereken uyarıyı yaptım, yine davet edip nereden bildiğimi, neler bildiğimi soran çıkmadı.” “no, nobody came to ask me, I even know the attack on the Danistay before hand, i made the required warning, but again, nobody invited me, asked me how I knew this and what I knew.”
This is a serious allegation, and it puts a question mark on AKP’s attitude on the Ergenekon case, is it a trumpcard against the Constitutional Court, or is it aimed to make a new democratic opening? I tend to beleive the former following Mr. Mumcu’s remarks.
First of all we have to clarify what we mean of the Machiavellian mentality. This is an ideal type used by Michael Foucault smybolising a state/society complex which is ruled by an extra-territorial monarch. This mentality, can be taken as a complete rule from above, because the ruler is the head of the masses and his decision is the divine one. This mentality is in the Turkish version can be named as the Sultanist mentality. Accordingly, mixed up with patrimonial images, the sultanist mentality builds itself upon the judgement of the ruler. This can be seen in the family level, the all mighty father figure, and it is projected to all other segments of the society which nevertheless sustains the durability of the system itself.
An example will clarify the mentality. Accordinlgy, the Turkish media touches the topic of informal meetings between all segments of the society during the last years in order to organise a plan to counter the rising AKP threat. It was aimed to bring centre-right and centre-left parties together in a bloc and to stop the AKP’s rise. The ‘Republic demonstrations’, the organisation of civil society and grass-roots organisations was a part of these schemes. The Machiavellian mentality shines in the midst of these developments. It clearly illustrates the Turkish elite’s perception of democracy. It is Machiavellian in the sense that, it takes the “people” the very ground of the state/society complex as givens. They are just there, manipulative masses, with no inner coherence or idea. This mode of politics is as a logical consequence one from above, and social engeneering motivated.
The success of the AKP lays int he different usage of the Machiavellian model. By stressing the organic ties to the civil society, the images of virtue and brotherhood, and most importantly by having a leader which comes from the debths of the counter-current to the ancient version we tried to explain above. However, this is also the AKP’s shortback. Mr. Erdogan’s Sultanist image and his single-handedly organising of the Preisdential debate is one example. His attitude of keeping quite till the end and as he announced taking the decision solely alone illustrates this Sultanist mentality.
It at the end cuts its contacts with the roots by delegating power solely to the leader. This is nevertheless the reason of the end of the age of the Machiavellian politics. In Turkey a Lockean version lacks and it also illustrates the lack of participant democracy but th existence of a polyarchic one.
After 13 months, first time, the chief prosecutor of Istanbul came in front of the cameras and made a brief statement. He talked about “disinformations” and the pressures on the prosecution process. What made him say this? one day before, some information on the case leaked to all sides of the Turkish media. the spindoctors began to produce their written materials. the idea was that we were facing an organisation which claims to be at least 600 years old, going back tot he myth of agartha and responsible of many atrocities in Turkey.
Ergenekon, is what they call themselves tells the chief prosecutor. So we have the name. Ergenekon. In Italy it was called the Gladio. But i think, to uncover Ergenekon, is to uncover the fog above the Turkish state and its development during the Cold War. We by now clearly now that the NATO helped to establish such organisations in NATO members. It was a part of the Cold War strategy of protecting the allies from within. Fikri Saglar, former MP and Minister, says during the Susurluk case we clearly found out that such an organisation was financed directly from external forces and installed in the very heart of the Turkish state.
If Ergenekon really opens, and if it really goes on the way through it will unravel a dark history. However, up till now, it seems to be a politicised case. AKP’s Constitutional Court trauma, and the Ergenekon case. I wont be shocked if the Constitutional Court rules out the banning of the AKP cools down the Ergenekon. The other option will be a total purge of Cold War remnants, through a collaboration with the Turkish Army, and the abiding with the NATO rules. This can be followed by the ban on the AKP which will evidently pave the way to the rise of Abdüllatif Sener’s party, or in case the AKP organises its own, a rupture in its votes. It can be forced to achieve a coalition with the CHP. No body knows.
But the Ergenekon case should be faced with its Cold War past. therein lies the secret of the organisation. however an operation to such an extent will reveal that many top post bureaucrats – both civilian and military, various politicians, journalists, industrialists, academics, and people from the other segment of the society took part in this organisation. this will mean the end of a long duree in Turkish politics, the unravelling the myth of the ‘national security state’.
Because it will leave just a small segment untouched, the conservative forces in play would do their best to leave this side in darkness. but without coming to terms with this darkness, there can be no real democracy in Turkey. these elements will further their existence, albeit silently. The Cold War did not end for Turkey, it continues, its structures are not dismantled, its power is not curtailed, its relative autonomy is not terminated.
Chief of Staff, Org. Yasar Büyükanit’s comments on the case, that it should be continued to the case it is revealed, should touch all even himself if found guilty. This is one important comment. It is not rhetoric, it is a green light. Turkish Army’s one segment have always been against the coup d’etatirsm, and pushed for stability and aloffness from politics. It is clearly known that everytime it becomes politicised, it leads to a disorganisation which like the 1960 coup takes 20 years to go off the turbulance. This segment is directly connected to the NATO strategy.
so long for know
The video document of the Istanbul’s chief Prosecutor’s briefing and the full-document can be find:
Fifa president Sepp Blatter commenting on Mancherster United refusal to sell C. Ronaldo to the Spanich club Real Madrid termd the incident as “modern-day slavery”. C. Ronaldo responded, yes I am a slave. But these slaves of the modern day world order, is the top-echelons of slavery. They are professional football players, earning bucket full of dollars or pounds and utilised by the sport clubs, media, and multiple resources. They are modern day -icons, like the Gladiators of the ancient Rome.
They have fame, they have money, they have all but they have to serve some body a la Bob Dylan, and once you dont resist, then you become aware of yourself being a meta, that’s what happens nowadays in the incident of C. ronaldo.
At last, Sener resigned from his party AKP and came one step forward for establishing a rival power bloc vis-a-vis the AKP.
One of the architects of the AKP, academist and former MP – Minister Abdüllatif Sener announced his intention of establishing a political party to overcome the problems of Turkey. Of course this move will be quite in vain if the Constitutional Court’s process on the AKP was not around. Mr. Sener in my opinion critically sees the end of the AKP and the need to re-organise with a possible coalition with older elites.
for more information check the article on Turkish daily Radikal
Watch his remarks on-line, from the NTV-CNBC Turkey
here is the full text of the diaries which put an end to the NOKTA-weekly, re-published by the Turkish daily TARAF.
According to Erol Mütercimler, the secret army established during the Cold War in Turkey was called “Ergenekon”. Ergenekon as a word terms the “myth” of the Turks. Ergene means the mountain-pass and kon the steep. Accordingly the Turks were defeated and retreated to this mountain passage imagined land in which they stayed 400 years and once there was no place to sustain the civilisation, they melted the mountain to open a passage and once released defeated the enemy. However, Ergenekon in today’s world, connotes the secret-operations, or the deep-state which was behind military coup’s during the Cold War and which today continues to manipulate politics from above in an active sense.
Daniele Ganser, a Swiss academic, opened a long-going debate again into public consciousness. His book and articles on NATO’s Secret stay-behind armies, such as the Gladio in Italy shed light to this phenomenon of the “covert world” in Coxian terminology. Robert Cox and Ganser in a way points that during the Cold War, to sustain the hegemony of the Pax Americana, the US secret agencies deliberately established stay-behind forces in NATO members in face of an immenent tcommunist threat both from within and outside.
furthermore the rhetoric was that the NATO alliance can be threatened within if leftist and communist elements within member states reach a level to question the very existence of the alliance itself. in order to undermine such a situation, the NATO shall organise a secret stay-nehind armies, mostly picked up from extreme right elements, potential or active members of the covert world of drug smuggling to assasinations. For this purpose, a secret network was established and the secret-army operated full time around the Atlantic Pact and its prize areas.
In Turkey this organisation came into being in 1960s, played its main role in 1971 and then in 1980, all paving the way to coup d’etats. Once the Cold War is over, these force was no more in need, and many elements went into underground and became members of the covert world. Some were used against the ASALA and the PKK in and outside Turkey. The Susurluk incident showed that this organisation was still active and the tip of the iceberg illustrated a complex relationship of ex-hitmans, politicians, police chiefs, prostitutes, arms trafficing, drug trafficing and vice versa.
The recent incident in Turkey and the trial, bases itself on the “Ergenekon” and claims that this group’s latest incident was to organise coup plans to topple the AKP government and pave the way to a military takeover followed by a civil strife. The assasination of Hrant Dink, and the information we have that nearly all new that the assasination was coming within the security members strengthens this kind of thinking.
Unfortunately these all take place during the process going on in the Constitutional Court about the fate of the AKP. Many assume that the AKP was not willing to take these issues to the forefrong but hold the Ergenekon as a trump card in case of an attack on itself. Accordingly, nowadays, we see that the AKP government pushed the issue forward which is a historical milestone for the Turkish democracy. To examine a possible coup plot, which reflected itself to the NOKTA Weekly’s “DArbe Günlükleri – Coup Diaries”.
Unfortunately, the AKP’s timing stresses the doomday scenario in Turkey. Both parties have long lost ground to reality and retreated back to their trenches. The President of Turkey, Mr. Gül is virtually non-existent, and cannot play the role he has to play as an interlocutor. His highly politicised appointment to the Presidency is per se important. Furthermore, there is still no valid allegation towards the detaines. This is the crux of the point, AKP’s strange attitude to judiciary. The idea of creating satelite institutions within the existing ones which are not yet taken from inside. This is unfortunately the bureaucratic mentality of the AKP. There have been a heavy clientalism and opening up of new cadres to loyal not compotent figures.
We are faced with two bad alternatives. But the power lies in a civil society movement, like the one after the Susurluk incident, which will protect Turkish democracy, which means putting the plotters in to trial, and changing the form of state projected by the AKP with a bottom-up movement. Many segments could be taken together in such a situation.
The headscarf issue can be solved with this coalition as legalisation in the Universities but a ban in other administative spheres. A counter-movement towards the covert world which includes the gangs-cetes, the neighbour bullies, the thiefs and the rising criminality would unite the people. this should be united with social projects at the local levels, organised by all segments of the political panaroma, to help the members of the space, to find a way to sustain his-her life outside the confines of the cover world. Turkey by aligning itself more with the European Union and by embracing its social democratic values, egality and the European capitalist at the first stage would be another alternative. Instead of the hyper-liberal Empire version of post-fordist beggar-me-death capitalism this would be an option in line with the communitarianism of the Turkish culture. Furthermore, a reconciliation should be reached between all religious groups, beginning with the rights to be given to the Alevis, Yezidis and others, and creating a multi-religious Pious Affairs, embracing all schools with the same distance.
This would revive the Ottoman civilisation’s multicultural paradigm which exists in the intersubjectivities of the people albeit the heavy propoganda of the last century in nation building and myht establishings. The mutual acceptance of different ways of life, would be the first step to create a plural Turkey which would in the long-run would play a middle power in pursuing a peaceful transnational coexistence, like Canada.
This morning, we woke up again with taking into custody of public figures associated with the “Ergenekon” dossier. The most impiortant figures are the two former Army Commanders – the creme de la creme of the Turkish Armed Froces, the leader of the Ankara Chamber of Commerce and prominent journalist such as Mustafa Balbay and others.
This is the last stage of the fight between the two sides, my law versus your law, my men vs your men. we will continue to comment on this topic as the day progresses.